“The return” of your President’s complete control in excess of BIN has introduced again memories and considerations regarding the probable for ‘misuse’ of intelligence for The federal government’s political pursuits. Specifically in the midst of the present momentum of the Covid-19 pandemic, wherever the President has the authority to acquire fast, unpopular, and unexpected emergency political and coverage techniques, including the deployment of armed service and intelligence forces to guidance attempts to handle the specter of the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Left radical groups: whoever has a social-democratic or communist/ Marxist political orientation;
One monumental case in point is the entry of Laskar Jihad, a paramilitary team led by alumni with the Afghanistan war, to Maluku to take part in conflicts above spiritual challenges. The president firmly purchased all protection and intelligence equipment to avoid their entry, but there was no greatest energy, even allegations emerged they had been deliberately offered Room to go to. In the long run, Maluku conflict became one of many entry points with the Jemaah Islamiyah and al-Qaeda terrorism actions, a education camp and recruitment of new cells and networks, and thus sow the seeds of radical actions and terrorism that lived and unfold in Indonesia to this day.
Paska 27 tahun perjalanan panjang reformasi, cita-cita reformasi memang belum mati, tapi reformasi hidup dilingkungan yang sama sekali bukan habitatnya. Begitu pula wajah intelijen negara yang bopeng terjangkit virus “politik ugal-ugalan”, akibat pandemi selama rezim Jokowi.
Dengan justifikasi melawan paham komunisme yang mengancam kedaulatan ideologi negara, keamanan dan ketahanan nasional, Presiden Soeharto melucuti agen-agen Badan Pusat Intilijen di bawah kendali militer dengan membentuk Badan Kooordinasi Intelijen (BAKIN) pada 22 Mei 1967 yang langsung berada di bawah kendalinya dan berfungsi mengendalikan simpul-simpul intelijen pada divisi militer dan institusi sipil.
Kisah para jurnalis internasional meliput di Indonesia – 'Sebelumnya sudah represif, sekarang lebih represif lagi'
Permasalahan intelijen di negara Pancasila sekarang adalah ketidakmengertian kelompok kecil masyarakat sipil bahwa perlindungan terhadap individu oleh intelijen seharusnya mereka artikan sebagai perlindungan terhadap individu oleh intelijen seharusnya mereka artikan sebagai perlindungan terhadap segenap bangsa dan tumpah darah Indonesia.
With the existence of the Regulation, intelligence posture, Group and functions are reflected and will be monitored by the public and parliament. The job that awaits Later on will be to supervise the implementation of the legislation, including assessing the reform technique of BIN and intelligence organizations within the ministerial and institutional amount (like inside the military and law enforcement) so that they do the job in compliance with current lawful provisions.
2nd, the temptation to return to an functioning posture along with a domestically oriented threat view, Specifically to ‘attack’ political opposition and Regulate the public, need to be resisted. It has bad precedents and will never enable sort a modern intelligence organization. And 3rd, the issues faced by Indonesia, including the Covid-19 pandemic now sweeping the entire world, needs to be accustomed to confirm the resilience of intelligence get the job done. The picture of “
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Secara etimologis, otonomi daerah merupakan serapan bahasa asing yaitu berasal dari bahasa Yunani. Auto artinya ‘sendiri’ dan namous berarti ‘hukum’. Berarti otonomi daerah adalah kawasan yang memiliki hukum tersendiri. Kemudia pada Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia (KBBI), otonomi daerah adalah diberi pengertian sebagai hak, wewenang dan kewajiban daerah untuk mengatur dan mengurus rumah tangganya sendiri sesuai dengan peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku. Otonomi daerah seluas-luasnya merupakan istilah yang sering disuarakan oleh banyak orang terutama para akademisi. Otonomi daerah bukan hal baru bagi Indonesia. Jika melihat catatan sejarah, dapat terlihat perjalanan peraturan perundang-undangan yang mengatur tentang otonomi daerah dari masa kolonial Belanda hingga Indonesia periksa di sini merdeka. Menurut Amrin Banjarnahor (2013), kolonial Belanda memberikan wewenang pada beberapa daerah untuk mengatur rumah tangganya sendiri, terutama untuk daerah-daerah jajahan di Pulau Jawa.
General public participation in the course of this time was also noticed as a mere formality, with last second invitations issued for employee unions and various stakeholders.